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Sen, Freedom from the Justice

A posthumous response to John Rawls

The latest work of Amartya Sen recently in the library is very much in line with the spirit of the times. By freedom, obsession Indian economist, the Idea of \u200b\u200bJustice (€ 22 mill). Moreover, the reformer of liberalism when it seemed the only possible paradigm, Sen already corrected the shot in 1992 with a collection of essays entitled rather eloquent: Inequality (Princeton). Not equality, a term too controversial and cumbersome, but the excessive difference in social and economic conditions among the citizens. Sen argued, in fact, what does it equal? Equality of what, when human beings are born naturally all different? And, following Rawls's famous maxim that says "we must eliminate the inequalities that reinforce those who are better and allow those who can afford those who are worse to improve their condition," he added, rather than promoting equality, and dangerous concept Abstract not have to reduce inequalities, promote the ability of each to guarantee the freedom of all?
With the new book, Sen corrects again the shot. Freedom is in fact the theoretical center of the system, but it's like putting one hand, to make way for justice. The underlying principle remains the same, loosely based on Rawls: the idea is, that the quest for freedom is the engine of development, whereas a complete development (economic, cultural and social) by spreading freedom, create more development and that freedom is an incentive only if the protection of goodwill and will abolish the discriminatory differences. But this time, Sen pointed the finger at injustice. What does it mean, in fact, eliminate inequalities that reinforce who is better? And allow those that allow those who are worse to improve their condition? In short, says Indian Nobel compared to the injustices of the contemporary world, as it put into practice the idea of \u200b\u200bjustice based on freedom, which is also the promise, the title of the most famous writing of Rawls? The answer is provided by almost five hundred pages of dense empirical guidelines, designed for maximum adjustability of Rawls finally buy a real sense in the social, cultural and economic related freedom. We are quite sure, however, that freedom lends itself to the yoke of justice leveling and can survive?
Born with industrialization and the modern rationalist, in fact, the idea of \u200b\u200bfreedom is deeply rooted in the culture of positivism, the idea of \u200b\u200bgrowing social and material capable of freeing people from all conditioning. Only the prospect of endless growth, in fact, can justify the utopia of absolute freedom, understood and limited quotas for men. Freedom, that is, as the official ideology of the modern world. But what about now that the financial crisis, limited resources and the ecological crisis promise a regression of the material conditions of our society? It is, together with equality - socialist utopia - the utopia other, liberal this time, inherited from the nineteenth and twentieth century? If so, can not be accused of the same freedom that Sen attaches abstract equality? Freedom to do what, therefore, freedom from what?
not answering these questions, Sen has shown to remain bound to a contradiction that is the end of the twentieth century reformism: refutation of the Paretian liberal, but defender of the ideology of freedom (although Sen prefers to speak of "freedom", freedom as self-determination, and not "liberty," freedom in an absolute sense). In its progressive reform theory, embodies the uncertainties of the present but fails to indicate a path, an alternative linguistic and conceptual. Above all, taking part of the confusion about the deep roots of politics, forget perhaps the most important element: the collective dimension. The fact is, that freedom, self-determination is not an abstract entity, but the product of well-being achieved by a collective. What the liberal utopia called "freedom", is none other than the portion of the collective work re-distributed, as recognized in law to every citizen: to be limited and imperfect as human beings, freedom is not an individual dimension but the relapse of an individual being achieved collectively. Wellness fragile, therefore, subject to extensions and contractions, tied to specific historical, economic and social.
clear, therefore, as the concept of freedom is due to the industry and promises of modernity. Rationalist utopia, some will argue, bourgeois deception, others, to ward off social reforms, deceiving the person to be the source of their success. But when the wealth of the community decreases, along with its benefits, then, what to do? To speak of "freedom" will serve little, if this proves to be linked to the collective dimension. The only thing to do is watch over the social contract and be careful to tighten their belts that are all the same.